The panel of judges is the same three-judge panel who ruled in 2022 that Alabama’s 2021 Congressional plan violated section 2 of the Voting Rights Act by diluting black voting power. In June 2023, SCOTUS agreed.

Circuit Judge Stanley Marcus and District Judges Terry Moorer and Anna Manasco held Monday’s hearing.

Deuel Ross, deputy director of litigation at the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund and lead attorney for the Milligan plaintiffs, spoke first.

During the opening statements, Ross played videos of depositions from the reapportionment committee co-chairs Rep. Chris Pringle and Sen. Steve Livingston where both verbally agreed they understood the court’s instructions to create a second district that would afford black voters the opportunity to elect candidates of their choice.

Ross said it is clear that the map passed by the Alabama Legislature on July 21 does not follow the instructions of the court and violates Section 2 of the VRA.

The map passed by the state legislature would not give black voters an opportunity to elect voters of their choice because black candidates have historically not won elections in the counties that comprise Congressional District 2.

Abha Khanna, attorney for the Caster plaintiffs, said the Alabama Legislature had not made a serious effort to remedy the Section 2 violation.

Khanna spoke on how the state responded to the orders by doing what it had already done.

“Racial polarization in Alabama is intense and it is stark,” she said.

During the hearing on Monday, Judge Mansaco asked Alabama Solicitor General Edmund LaCour if he thought the creation of a second district that provides black voters an opportunity to elect a candidate of their choice was relevant in the case.

LaCour said he did not think so. He also argued that, because he interprets that VRA does not require proportional representation, the state would prevail..

As was the case during the redistricting special session that wrapped up July 21, the state continued to prioritize Baldwin and Mobile counties as an imperative community of interest.

The three-judge panel expressed frustration at the state’s outright refusal to follow the court’s order to produce a new map that would create two majority-black districts that would allow black voters to elect candidates of their choice.

LaCour told judges he did not believe the state Legislature had to create a second majority black district or an opportunity district to comply with the Voting Rights Act. LaCour further argued that the legislature passed maps on July 21 that followed redistricting principles even though the state passed some of these principles in the same bill that voted the new map into law. Several times during the hearing he claimed that creating two majority-minority districts would violate the Allen v. Milligan ruling.

“I think our position would be, that would be a violation of Allen vs. Milligan,” he said.

Judges questioned the state’s disregard for the order handed down.

“What I hear you saying is the state of Alabama deliberately disregarded our instruction,” said Moorer.

The 2023 map in question created Congressional District 7 with just under 50.65 percent black voting age population. The 2021 map that passed had a BVAP of 55 percent in District 7. The state’s map also includes Congressional District 2, which has a BVAP of just under 40 percent – an increase from 30 percent in the 2021 map.

An interesting twist during the hearing came from a video played from Pringle’s deposition where he explained he was not involved in creating what became known as the Livingston Congressional Plan.

Pringle testified that he lost contact with LaCour and that LaCour was working with Senators on the Livingston plan. He testified that Livingston told him that he would need to substitute the Pringle Communities of Interest plan for the Livingston plan. Pringle refused to do so because he said he felt his plan was a better option to create a remedy for the Section 2 violation.

The map drawn by the state created a District 2 that historically shows how a black preferred candidate cannot win an election. Neither LaCour nor any of the state’s other attorneys disputed that information.

During the hearing, it was clear the state and the plaintiffs had differing opinions on what the scope of the hearing should be and why the parties were there at all.

Judge Marcus repeatedly used a baseball reference asking if they were in the first inning of the first game.

During the hearing, LaCour argued the court should look at the 2023 map differently than the 2021 map. He argued that the Alabama Legislature has the authority to set redistricting guidelines. During the 2023 special session, lawmakers added guidelines to the bill that passed the map. Those guidelines included identifying three specific communities of interest to be kept intact – The Black Belt, the Gulf Coast and the Wiregrass.

Using LaCour’s rationale, Judge Manasco asked him if that meant that the state legislature could simply change the guidelines every time there was a Section 2 violation.

She asked if there was a point where the context becomes somewhat fixed, where the state cannot just simply redefine its principles, and that the court can have a say so in the maps.

LaCour said that sounded a lot like preclearance.

The 2021 redistricting cycle was the first time that Alabama did not redistricting under preclearance. Ten years ago, SCOTUS ruled in Shelby Co. v. Holder that the coverage formula under section 4(b) was invalid. That formula was used to determine which states, and other jurisdictions with a history of racial discrimination in voting, had to submit any changes to their voting policies for federal approval. This policy served to protect voters of color from discrimination in voting.

Another big disagreement between the plaintiffs and the state comes from the Gingles test, and specifically, which Gingles factor was at play in the hearing.

The Gingles test stems from the 1986 case Thornburg v. Gingles, which was the case that established the parameters for using Section 2 violations in voting rights cases.

The Gingles test consists of three criteria: firstly, the minority group should be of a sizeable and sufficiently concentrated population to form a district; secondly, the minority group in question must exhibit political unity; and thirdly, the majority group should display a consolidated political stance that overpowers the voting preferences of the minority group.

The plaintiffs’ attorneys said repeatedly that they should be arguing Gingles 2 and 3 because Gingles 1 was not disputable. The state said the exact opposite – that they were not disputing Gingles 2 and 3, but that the plaintiffs needed to come forward with Gingles 1 evidence to prove the state’s map violates Section 2.

The attorneys have until Saturday, August 19 at 8 a.m. to file any post-findings and conclusions of law. The court did not indicate when it may rule.

Despite being directed to redraw Alabama’s Congressional maps, the Alabama Reapportionment Committee continues to operate under a cloud of limited transparency, raising concerns about the fairness and inclusivity of the redistricting process.

The committee’s persistent lack of openness has ignited criticism, as citizens, minority party lawmakers and advocacy groups argue that a more transparent approach is crucial for ensuring the integrity of electoral representation in the state.

With the state legislature’s special session on redistricting set to start Monday, members of the minority party who are representatives on the Reapportionment Committee questioned when they would receive maps and other pertinent information for the map that the majority party wanted to pass.

On June 8, the United States Supreme Court ruled in favor of Alabamians who sued the state legislature for violating Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act by packing black voters into Congressional District 7 and cracking the remaining black voters across Alabama’s other six congressional districts.

The Alabama Legislature has until July 21 to submit maps that create two majority-minority districts to the three-judge panel.

On Thursday, July 13, the committee discussed four maps and heard from Alabama residents from across the state about what they would like to see Dothan kept in the same district as Montgomery, Mobile and Baldwin counties kept together, Lauderdale County and Jefferson County kept whole.

To kickoff the meeting, Rep. Laura Hall offered an amendment to the redistricting guidelines, where she basically called for the reapportionment committee to comply with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.

Committee Co-Chair Chris Pringle said it was unnecessary for the amendment saying the guidelines already required that the legislature comply with Section 2 of the VRA and the United States Constitution

It is important to note that the guidelines from Pringle are the same guidelines that landed the state in court and yielded the plans that the Federal Court and the Supreme Court struck down.

The 2021 guidelines passed 13-6.

How many plans were submitted? Why isn’t more information accessible?

Sen. Vivian Figures asked how many plans had been submitted.

With just days before the start of the special session, Pringle said they had not yet completed the process of going through all of the plans that had been submitted and that he was doing the best that he could.

Sens. Bobby Singleton and Rodger Smitherman both said they had sent letters to Pringle, Sen. Steve Livingston and committee attorney Dorman Walker requesting information about maps that were being drawn by the committee but had not received any information.

“We have functionality reports,” Smitherman said. “On many of these other maps, we have functionality reports. That’s not something that as a member that I should have to wait on. All of us should have access to it. I think it is very important that whatever we have, that all the members get it now. So that we have a chance to review and be able to discuss it.”

Pringle said they processed VRA, Hatcher Remedial, CLC and Singleton.

“We put y’all’s maps first,” Pringle said. “Right now, we’re trying to consolidate and get plans from Alabama residents to you as fast as possible. To be frank, we’re just overwhelmed.”

“I wasn’t aware that this was a y’all process,” said Rep. Chris England. “ We have a court order that we are all supposed to be working on. This isn’t a y’all situation.”

England said that not having access to the map and information that the reapportionment committee would recommend puts members of the committee and the public at a disadvantage.

It’s important to note that lawmakers during the 2021 redistricting cycle members of the reapportionment committee received copies of the proposed map with little time to review the map before being asked to vote on it.

Public Comment

Mike Schmitz, former mayor of Dothan and businessman, said he would love for Dothan to stay in the same district as Montgomery. Schmitz referenced Southeast Gas, which comprises 15 municipalities including Abbeville, Andalusia, Brundidge, Daleville, Dothan, Elba, Enterprise, Eufaula, Greenville, Headland, Luverne, Opp, Ozark, Pike Road and Troy. Southeast Gas and the collaboration among the 15 municipalities has given the Wiregrass and neighboring communities a solid foundation for economic development.

Jeff Brannon, CEO of Flowers Hospital, said he’s lived in the Dothan area all of his life. He is concerned about the collaboration and he said he believes that the economy is strong because of those collaborations, communications and collaborations.

Ronald Jackson of Birmingham and former member of the Alabama Legislature, came to support the Blacksher plan, which is the plan submitted as an amicus brief by Campaign Legal Center, but is being supported by the Singleton plaintiffs.

Jackson supports the plan because it keeps Jefferson County whole.

Birmingham resident David Russell came to speak about the fact that the reapportionment committee failed to elect a black co-chair at its June 27 meeting.

“Until Alabama gets their act together no other state is going to get their act together,” he said.

Russell said the state needed to act like Nick Saban’s football team by putting players up to win.

“I hope we can formulate a football team that will win for the state of Alabama,” he said.

Kathy Jones, president of the League of Women Voters of Alabama, said the League joined in filing an amicus brief to support the Milligan plaintiffs and their request to create two black districts.

Maj. Shalela Dowdy, a plaintiff in the Milligan case, said that the VRA map gives the city of Mobile a real voice in Congress. She said that, currently, the city of Mobile struggles to get its representative to support important issues that would help.

She said the VRA plaintiffs’ plans have been vetted and accepted by the courts.

Khadidah Stone, a plaintiff from Montgomery, said she could not go another 10 years without fair representation for herself or her community.

She said that she supports the VRA plan because it gives black voters a chance to elect black candidates or candidates of their choice.

Letetia Jackson, a plaintiff in the Milligan case, said she had not felt represented at the Federal level for a very long time. She said she had never received any correspondence from her representative until she became a plaintiff in the case. Jackson lives in Dothan and said she agreed with former mayor Schmitz that Dothan should be kept with Montgomery and that the VRA plaintiffs’ map keeps those two cities in the same district.

Jackson said that it is important that leaders represent community members whether they agree with them or not.

“Representation matters,” she said.”That’s the key premise of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act for what we base our case.”

Evan Milligan, lead plaintiff and executive director of Alabama Forward, said he is six generations removed from slavery and his son and daughter are the seventh generation.

“When I look at them, I want to commit to them inheriting an Alabama that allows them an opportunity to lead, dream and to make contributions to the community, the same that you want for your children and grandchildren,” Milligan said. “When you look out in the audience today, you see lots of young people. What I hope is that you see them as your children, as Alabama’s children.”

Milligan said that Alabama needs to build a place that provides a path forward where young people can see themselves in leadership in the future.

Deuel Ross, lead attorney for the Milligan case, said he was asked by Walker to read from a letter that was sent to him from the Milligan and Caster plaintiffs.

Ross said that in the VRA plaintiff map, the black preferred and black candidates won all the races that were analyzed between 2014 and 2020.

Ross said that SCOTUS considered arguments about communities of interest and they found that the Black Belt is a community of interest.

Sen. Vivian Figures is sponsoring the plaintiffs’ VRA remedial map.

Davin Rosborough, co-counsel on the Milligan case said communities of interest are important. He said that VRA compliance takes precedence over other redistricting policies.

The Rev. Rayford Mack of the Montgomery Metro Chapter of the NAACP said if the committee itself working on the plan is not initiating and coming up with the right things, how is it going to do the right thing?

“We are still fighting for power and privilege,” he said. “We want the privilege to vote which will give us power.”

Mack said that if he had been born white he would not want to give up his privilege, but encouraged legislators to do the right thing.

“It’s time for a change,” he said.

Dr. Joe Reed of the Alabama Democratic Party brought the Hatcher Remedial Congressional Plan.

Reed encouraged the legislators to put Alabama first.

Pringle said that the Hatcher plan split 10 counties and 87 voting precincts.

Reed was questioned by Figures and Pringle about the splitting of voting precincts and Pringle asked Reed if he was specifically looking for black Alabamians when he split voting precincts.

“I keep saying, we’re looking for people,” Reed said. “Anybody tells you you can draw two Black districts and not look for Black, they’re lying to you.”

Another map – Singleton Congressional Map 3 – creates two majority black districts in CD 6 and 7.

“The Singleton plaintiffs support plans that do not split Jefferson County, specifically Singleton map 3, and the CLC map,” Smitherman said. “They showed that it is not necessary – I’m going to say it again – it is not necessary to draw districts along racial lines to provide two opportunity districts, districts in which Black voters have a realistic opportunity to elect candidates of their choice.”

Another map titled CLC Map 1 creates two majority black districts with Jefferson County being its own district.

Sen. Sam Jones raised concerns toward the end of the meeting about not receiving information yet on other maps that could be presented.

He said they discussed four different maps on Thursday and he believes that each map is working toward a remedy of what the courts are looking for.

“I really appreciate the information that we have gotten today,” he said. “There are some maps that we have nothing on, and we don’t know what is being proposed and we go into session on Monday.”

Jones said that he really hoped legislators would get the data before they get to the floor.

Pringle said the reapportionment committee will meet on Monday, July 17 at 10 a.m.

Rep. Hall said that Democrats on the committee want to be a part of the process of coming up with a map from the committee.

Smitherman agreed he wants to get a clear picture of what the map could look like from the committee.

Pringle once again complained about the number of maps that had been submitted and the “terrible time crunch” they are in to get the maps to the court by July 21.

Both Singleton and Smitherman said they could help him.

“This is a really tortured process,” England said.

England wanted to know if Pringle and others planned to go into a room, draw a map and give it to the reapportionment committee and expect them to vote on it with little time to analyze it. He pointed out that the potential map from the reapportionment committee would be the only map that wasn’t vetted by Alabamians.

England acknowledged there are a lot more Republicans than Democrats in the Alabama Legislature and that ultimately the will of Republicans will be done.

“I will be obligated to vote against it because I have nothing to show to my constituents,” he said.

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A majority-black town ravaged by a hailstorm on March 26 desperately needs help after more than 400 homes were damaged.

Nearly six weeks after the devastation, the Federal Emergency Management Agency made assistance available, but it’s not the type of assistance that will help residents with their cleanup efforts.

Camp Hill, a town located in Tallapoosa County with a population of around 1,000 citizens, was ransacked by softball to grapefruit-sized hail for some 20 minutes.

More than a month after the storm, tarps are still being placed on homes that received damage.

Friday’s disaster declaration only makes funds available for state, tribal, local governments, and nonprofits dealing with cost-sharing for emergency work and replacement of facilities that were damaged by the storms.

Organizers are still working to get a disaster declaration for individual assistance.

Warren Tidwell, executive director of Alabama Center for Rural Organizing and Systemic Solutions, (ACROSS), said there are more than 400 homes that are in need of roof repair. Another issue community members are facing is that some 80 to 90 percent of the community’s cars were totaled.

This is a town that doesn’t have a grocery store, doesn’t have a laundromat, and doesn’t have a pharmacy. Like many Southern towns it has a Dollar General, but it’s a mile away across a major highway,” Tidwell said. “So even walking there is hazardous, and with the population with elderly folks and disabled folks we have, it’s just not realistic.

The town of Camp Hill has declared a state of emergency and the Tallapoosa County EMA has submitted an application for disaster declaration.

Alabama Values reached out to Governor Kay Ivey’s office who referred staff to Alabama EMA, but officials there have not responded with any updates despite being instructed by the Governor’s office to do so.

We also reached out to FEMA who said, “Alabama Emergency Management Agency is best suited to answer your questions.” From the outside, some homes look undamaged, but inside there are major leaks, roof damage, and many are sleeping in one room of their homes.

Tidwell said that if there was a category for hailstorms, the one that struck Camp Hill would be a category 5.

Camp Hill resident Rosalie Bundy said she was asleep in her home in Camp Hill when the storm rolled through the town.

It just sounded like someone throwing big rocks against the wall to me,” she said. “I got up and got dressed and went to the foot of the bed. I got dressed because I said, ‘They might have to take me out of here.’

When the storm subsided, Bundy said she looked out and found that her windows were broken. Camp Hill resident Tywanda Greer said that her family of four is having to sleep on the couch. “They donated food and the Red Cross gave us a donation,” she said. “I’ve been trying to get them to come out and redo my roof, but they said they couldn’t do it at the time because I didn’t have the money.” She said Tidwell is working to help her get her roof fixed. Resident Red Walton’s ceiling fell through from the weight of the water. “A day later, when sheetrock gets wet it just gets heavier,” he said. “I was sitting in the chair watching ‘Gunsmoke’ and ‘Laramie’ and there was a noise.”Walton said he went to check on the noise and the whole ceiling had fallen. Resident Jessie Francis said he’s never seen anything like the hailstorm.

“Everybody was affected by it,” he said. “It’s real hard, it’s already a little poor town. It’s so limited with jobs. It’s hard for the people. It was just tragic.”

Fire Chief Josh Darling said he was on an ambulance call in the town next door and was told to stand by and wait. “It was a short period of time, but it was a long time,” he said. “You could tell it had rained, but it wasn’t until I received a phone call at 4 a.m., to come to the fire station that had been ruined in the hailstorm.”

Organizers and the city have a volunteer relief headquarters set up where they are keeping track of requests. They had 223 requests, but without volunteers and help, they had to change the way they used a system to meet the needs of the residents. Volunteer firefighters have been working to tarp houses.

“We are basing everything on donations and the generosity of people’s hearts to come in and help,” Darling said.

“A (disaster) declaration changes the ballgame,” Tidwell said the town’s new storm shelter which they have been working to get opened for years opened the day before the storm. “It’s extremely important that we have this,” he said.

Tidwell said that the natural disaster has opened the eyes of a predominately white working class fire department who are seeing the realizations of systemic racism and how it impacts majority black communities.

“To hear these people who traditionally would not have necessarily seen it that way, it’s been something to see,” he said. “This has been one of the few silver linings.”

Studies have shown that natural disasters disproportionately impact black communities.

A recent study from Florida State University found black and brown participants experienced a multitude of mental health issues, including significant feelings of fear, loss and hopelessness, while also exhibiting distrust in systems designed to provide relief after natural disasters.

Residents feel they have been forgotten.

“I feel it has been forgotten, I think they never knew,” Busby said. Francis said he felt that people don’t care about his town because it is so small.

“I think it’s been forgotten about. We need everything, food, transportation, and money because everybody’s got to be out of work,” he said. It’s really hard to see that nobody’s trying to help. How can people be so cold-hearted when people are in need. They just overlook us. Don’t just say it. Be about it. Put out a helping hand. We are human like everyone else.”

Those who wish to help should contact Tidwell at 334-663-5472. Volunteers can also report to the volunteer resource center set up in town at 41 Heard St. in Camp Hill.

Down For The Count—a collaborative educational initiative between Alabama Values, The Ordinary People’s Society (TOPS), Southern Leadership for Voter Engagement (SOLVE), and The Hispanic and Immigrant Center of Alabama (¡HICA!)—has announced its official launch. The initiative’s mission is to increase Census participation among Alabama’s underrepresented communities.

Down For The Count is committed to providing clarity around the Census process and highlighting the impact of Census data on community resources. By providing individuals accurate information, Down For The Count aims to ensure that every voice in Alabama is heard and every community is counted. The Census and the American Community Survey (ACS) play a significant role in determining the distribution of billions of dollars in federal funding. Accurate Census data guarantees that communities receive their fair share of resources for schools, hospitals, roads, and other essential services. This means that every Alabama resident’s participation in the Census and ACS shapes the future of their community.

“Down for The Count is about empowering our communities to be seen and heard. By demystifying the Census and ACS, we’re not just driving participation—we’re ensuring that every person in Alabama has access to the resources and representation they deserve,” explains Alabama Values Executive Director Anneshia Hardy, “This is how we build a future where everyone counts.”

Mitchell Brown, Senior Director of Voting Rights with the Southern Coalition for Social Justice emphasized why Census education is such an important cause for his organization to focus on. “It’s important for SCSJ to be a part of Down for the Count because the Census is the basis for a lot of funding decisions as well as voting power and people don’t know that. Our goal in joining this initiative is to help provide education to community members through the South as well as providing tangible resources to grassroots groups that are doing the on-the-ground work. SCSJ and SOLVE are glad to be a part of this initiative.”

Down For The Count provides Census education to Alabama’s underrepresented communities through:

• Education & Awareness: Sharing clear, accurate information about the Census and ACS through community events, workshops, and content.

• Community Stories: Showcasing personal testimonials on the real-life benefits of Census participation.

• Resources & Tools: Offering toolkits with step-by-step guides, FAQs, and multilingual materials.

• Partner Organizations: Collaborating with trusted nonprofits to extend reach and build trust in these communities.

“For too long, immigrants, and particularly Hispanics/Latinos, have been undercounted on the Decennial Census and the annual American Community Survey (ACS). At ¡HICA!, we understand that the time for all of us to take a stance to get counted and be seen is now! Join us today,” states Carlos Torres, HICA’s Programs and Community Partnership Director, as he shares the importance of every Alabamian being represented.

Another group that often gets overlooked is the formerly incarcerated, but that is no longer the case with Down For The Count. “As we prepare for the upcoming general election, we must remember that the Census count plays a major role in voter engagement and turnout. As the longest standing criminal justice and voting rights reform organization in existence, TOPS understands the disparities in unrepresented communities and the challenges surrounding the formerly incarcerated and homeless population,” shares TOPS Executive Director Rodreshia Russaw, “As we push for a better democracy, it’s time to elevate the voices of those living under society by making sure that no one goes uncounted.”

Down For The Count is dedicated to ensuring every voice in Alabama is heard and every community is counted—and understands that it takes a collective effort to accomplish this mission. Alabama residents interested in learning more can hear from Down For The Count partners Alabama Values and HICA at the Shaping Communities virtual briefing in partnership with States Count Action Network on Thursday, October 3rd, at 2pm. People who plan to attend must register beforehand.

Last week, Alabama Values and partners hosted Down For the Count: What’s at Stake Now, a powerful virtual conversation on why the 2030 Census is not a far-off issue but a fight that begins today. The discussion made it clear that the census is more than just a headcount. It is the foundation of our democracy, shaping everything from how voting districts are drawn to how billions of dollars in federal resources flow to schools, hospitals, housing, and other critical services. When communities are undercounted, we lose representation, resources, and political power.

As Executive Director Anneshia Hardy reminded us, “They always count us out, but this is how we count ourselves in.”

The stakes are high. Court battles and policy shifts threaten to further silence Black, Brown, immigrant, and rural communities. From attempts to add a citizenship question to the census, to weakening Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, to the practice of prison gerrymandering, decisions being made today will directly shape whether our neighborhoods are represented fairly in the future. These threats are compounded by disinformation campaigns designed to spread fear and confusion, making people think it isn’t safe to participate.

At the heart of the conversation was a recognition that numbers alone don’t move people—stories do. Alabama Values’ Down for the Count Narrative Initiative has been testing messaging with more than 500 Alabamians, and the findings are clear: everyday language and values-based storytelling resonate far more deeply than abstract data points. Phrases like “They always count us out. This is how we count ourselves in” or “Every zip code matters” remind people that participation is about visibility, fairness, and belonging. As Hardy noted, “Getting the message right isn’t a luxury—it’s a necessity.”

Down for the Count partners and community leaders across the South echoed this point. Mitchell Brown of the Southern Coalition for Social Justice explained how census participation is directly tied to redistricting battles that determine whether every vote counts. Rodreshia Russaw of The Ordinary People Society described how faith-based organizations and local leaders serve as trusted messengers, reaching people at soup kitchens, churches, and community events where hope and information intersect. And Carlos Xavier Torres of the Hispanic and Immigrant Center of Alabama shared a personal story of being counted as a child, underscoring how resources for schools and families depended on his family’s willingness to participate.

What united all of these voices was the understanding that the census is not about government demands—it’s about our communities claiming their rightful power. Whether through voter registration drives, town halls, church gatherings, or neighborhood group chats, the census must be woven into the broader fabric of civic life. When we count ourselves in, we fight back against invisibility and ensure our neighborhoods have the resources and representation they deserve.

The message from the event was clear: we cannot wait until 2030 to act. The work begins now. Everyone has a role to play—talking to family and neighbors, integrating census education into advocacy, and joining campaigns like Down for the Count. Because if we’re not counted, we’re left out. And Alabama deserves better.

Visit Down for the Count to stay connected and informed.